Maha Devi Ayahuasca

Ayahuasca vs yagé Explained

Hands scraping the bark of a Banisteriopsis caapi vine on a stone surface — traditional ayahuasca yagé crudo preparation in Colombia
Before the vine is crushed, it is scraped. The outer bark comes away to reveal the orange and amber interior where the medicine lives. This is the first step in crudo yagé preparation — done by hand, on stone, the same way it has been done in the Colombian Putumayo for generations. There is nothing industrial about this. It takes time and it is supposed to.

Ayahuasca and yagé (also spelled yage or yajé) are the same sacred plant medicine, the same vine, the same pharmacological mechanism, but the word you use says something about where you are and who taught you. In Colombia, the medicine is called yagé or yajé. In Peru and Brazil it is ayahuasca. The traditions that carry it, however, are not the same at all.

At a Glance

Same brew?Yes. Banisteriopsis caapi vine combined with a DMT-containing admixture plant
Different name?Yagé / yajé in Colombia and Ecuador; ayahuasca in Peru and Brazil
Key botanical differenceColombia uses chagropanga (Diplopterys cabrerana); Peru uses chacruna (Psychotria viridis)
DMT concentrationChagropanga: ~2.4 mg/g vs chacruna: ~0.94 mg/g
Ceremony characterColombian: fire, music, tobacco, communal; Peruvian: dark room, icaros; Brazilian: standing hymns
Legal status in ColombiaNo prohibition; special cultural recognition for indigenous use

The Short Answer: Same Vine, Different Worlds

The name changes at the border. The medicine does not.

Walk into the Colombian Amazon and ask for ayahuasca and people will know what you mean, but they will probably smile. Here they call it yagé (yah-HEH) or yajé. The word comes from the languages of the Siona, Kamsá, Inga, and Cofán peoples who have carried this medicine for generations in the Putumayo and Sibundoy Valley. Across the border in Peru the Quechua word ayahuasca (vine of the soul, or vine of the dead) is what everyone uses. In Brazil it becomes daime or hoasca. In Ecuador the Shuar call it natema.

Every name is a door into a different world. The pharmacological engine underneath all of them is the same: Banisteriopsis caapi vine combined with a DMT-bearing admixture plant, the beta-carboline alkaloids in the vine disabling MAO-A long enough for oral DMT to survive digestion and reach the brain (Egger et al., 2024). Remove the vine and nothing happens. Remove the admixture and you have only the vine. The partnership is what makes it work.

But beyond that shared pharmacological fact, the Colombian yagé tradition and the Peruvian ayahuasca tradition are genuinely different: in the plants used, in the character of the ceremony, in the role of the healer, and in the relationship between medicine and land. This blog focuses on the Colombian side. If you want a deeper introduction to what ayahuasca is at the pharmacological and cultural level, that guide covers it fully. What follows is specifically about yagé: what makes it distinct, what the Colombian ceremony actually looks and feels like, and why those differences matter.

Chagropanga vs Chacruna: Why the Plant Matters

Colombia does not just use a different name. It uses a different plant, and the chemistry of that difference is significant.

The most concrete distinction between Colombian yagé and Peruvian ayahuasca is botanical. In Peru and Brazil, the DMT-bearing admixture plant is almost universally Psychotria viridis, known as chacruna. In Colombia and Ecuador, the admixture is typically Diplopterys cabrerana, called chagropanga, chaliponga, or chacrona negra depending on the community.

These are not interchangeable. Laboratory analysis published in the ACS Omega journal found that chagropanga leaves contain approximately 2.4 mg/g of DMT compared to 0.94 mg/g in Psychotria viridis, meaning Colombian brews can carry significantly higher concentrations of the active compound by volume (Chambers et al., 2020; Brito-da-Costa et al., 2020). This is not a claim that Colombian yagé is “stronger” in some simple sense. The full experience depends on vine quality, preparation method, the healer’s intent, and the ceremonial container. But the pharmacological profile is measurably different, and experienced drinkers often describe the character of the experience as distinctly different as well.

This botanical distinction has deep roots. The holotype specimen of Diplopterys cabrerana, the reference specimen that formally established the species, was collected by Richard Evans Schultes from Colombia’s Vaupés region, cementing chagropanga’s Colombian provenance in the botanical literature (Gates, 1982). Schultes spent twelve years in the Colombian Amazon from 1941 to 1953 and documented the centrality of yagé as the technology of healing, divination, and community governance among the peoples of Putumayo and the northwest Amazon (Schultes & Raffauf, 1992). The medicine and the land were inseparable then. They still are.

The Colombian Tribes: Kamsá, Inga, Siona, Cofán

These are not different practices of the same tradition. They are four distinct cosmological systems that happen to share a plant.

The Colombian yagé tradition does not belong to one people. It belongs to several: all living within a few hours of each other in the Putumayo lowlands and the Sibundoy Valley, all carrying their own understanding of what yagé is and what the ceremony is for.

The Kamsá (Kamentsá) of the Sibundoy Valley speak a language isolate, unrelated to any other known language family (O’Brien, 2018). Their taitas maintain yané (yagé) gardens of extraordinary botanical complexity, work with chagropanga, and undergo multi-year initiations through successive visionary experiences under senior healers. Oral testimonies of Kamsá elders document how yagé, the chagra (garden), and storytelling form an inseparable fabric of identity and healing (Agioutanti & Cortés, 2026). The Kamsá did not absorb colonial disruption passively. They absorbed, re-articulated, and survived (Glass, 2022).

The Inga people of the Sibundoy Valley have served for centuries as botanical and ceremonial intermediaries between the highland Andean world and the Amazonian lowlands. It was an Inga man, Miguel Evanjuanoy Chindoy, spokesperson of UMIYAC, who co-authored the Lancet paper establishing the eight ethical principles that Western researchers must follow when approaching indigenous yagé medicine, including reverence, responsibility, and reparation (Celidwen et al., 2022). The Sibundoy traditions are documented in depth by Ramírez de Jara and Pinzón Castaño (1993), who describe the Inga taita initiation process: years of successive yagé visions under senior guidance, the integration of Datura as an additive in specific contexts, and the Sibundoy healer’s unique position as crossroads between worlds.

The Siona of the Putumayo lowlands have one of the most extensively documented yajé traditions in academic literature, largely through the fifty-year fieldwork of anthropologist E. Jean Langdon. The Siona concept of rau, the shaman’s power to negotiate between human and nonhuman worlds, is not a static category. When Siona yajé shamanism appeared nearly extinct in the 1970s, it revitalized through strategic engagement with indigenous identity movements and transnational networks, demonstrating that these traditions are dynamically alive, not museum pieces (Langdon, 2016; Langdon, 2017). Contemporary Siona taita Pablo Maniguaje-Yaiguaje has written and spoken publicly about yajé as an act of resistance against armed violence and petroleum extraction in the Putumayo. The medicine and the land as one thing (Langdon, Laffay & Maniguaje-Yaiguaje, 2023).

The Cofán (A’i Kofán) straddle the Colombia-Ecuador border, their territory spanning the political line that the medicine itself does not recognize. Among the Cofán, the curaga (shaman) acquires power not through study in any Western sense but through years of surrender to nonhuman agents encountered in yajé. The Cofán are unambiguous: their knowledge cannot legitimately leave proper lineage, and they have challenged organizations that claim otherwise (Cepek, 2019; Jütte, 2018).

UMIYAC, the Union of Traditional Yagé Medics of the Colombian Amazon, formally unites five of these indigenous groups around shared ceremonial practice. Colombia’s Constitutional Court has recognized multiple Putumayo peoples as at risk of physical and cultural extermination. UMIYAC’s answer to that threat is, in part, the ceremony itself (Arsenault / UMIYAC, 2020). The yagé tradition is not just a healing practice. It is a political act.

What a Colombian Yagé Ceremony Actually Looks Like

Fire is not decoration. In the Colombian tradition, the fire is the ceremony.

If you have read about ayahuasca primarily from a Peruvian perspective (darkness, lying on mats, icaros sung softly over your head) the Colombian yagé ceremony will feel different from the first moment. Not better or worse. Different in character, in structure, in what it asks of you.

The most immediately distinctive element is the fire. In the Colombian taita tradition, the ceremony is organized around a sacred fire that burns throughout the night. The fire is not ambiance. The taitas of the Upper Putumayo, primarily Kamsá and Inga, use sound as the primary tool for constructing the ceremonial space, and the fire is the center that holds everything. Specific songs, whistles, and ceremonial music serve simultaneously as protection, healing technology, and communal anchor (García Molina, 2014). The ceremony moves around that fire from the first cup to dawn.

Tobacco is a central element. Mapacho, sacred tobacco, is used throughout the ceremony for protection and cleansing of the space. In the Colombian tradition, tobacco is a plant medicine in its own right, used with precision. It is not recreational. The taita may also work with Agua Florida, rapé, copal smoke, and plant essences to shift or steady what is moving in the room.

Music is integral in a way that distinguishes the Colombian ceremony from the Peruvian model. While Peruvian Shipibo ceremony is shaped almost entirely by the healer’s icaros, precise, internal, diagnostic, the Colombian ceremony often incorporates local musicians, guitar, and collective singing. The ceremony is communal in a more outward sense: it moves between moments of deep internal work and moments of shared sound and presence. There is joy in it alongside the difficulty.

In this, it sits somewhere between the Peruvian model (more interior, darker, quieter) and the Brazilian Santo Daime model (standing in formation, communal hymns, highly structured). The Colombian ceremony holds both ancestral indigenous elements and musical vitality. It is grounded in land, in fire, and in community.

A survey of 2,751 ritualistic ayahuasca users across three ceremonial traditions found that ceremonial setting quality, especially leadership quality and social dimensions, significantly predicted the depth and quality of mystical experience, while higher setting quality was negatively associated with challenging or difficult experiences (Pontual et al., 2022). The structure is not incidental. It is therapeutic.

The Taita: What a Lineage Actually Means

A title is not a credential. A lineage is not a biography. The two are not the same thing.

In the Colombian tradition, the word taita means father. It is not self-assigned. It is conferred by a community that has watched someone train across years, demonstrate healing ability, and remain accountable to the tradition that formed them.

What that training involves is long and demanding. Among the Inga and Kamsá, initiation unfolds through successive yagé visions under senior taita guidance over years, a progressive accumulation of visionary knowledge that cannot be compressed. The Sibundoy healers are explicitly documented as multi-generational practitioners, maintaining botanical gardens of healing plants and operating as intermediaries between different ecological and cultural worlds (Ramírez de Jara & Pinzón Castaño, 1993).

To make this concrete: Taita Miguel Mavisoy of the Kamsá tribe, who works with MahaDevi, received yagé for the first time at six months old, guided by his parents, both established healers in the Kamsá tradition. By fourteen he was already serving medicine. His lineage runs unbroken across at least twelve generations. He was born in Buena Vista, near the Ecuadorian border, and grew up in the simple, communal life of his people. His wife is also a healer. They work together. This is not a story about credentials or workshop hours. It is a story about a family that has carried this medicine across generations while the world around them changed dramatically and often violently.

Taita Miguel works with both cooked and crudo medicine. He often incorporates local musicians into ceremony, adding a dimension that reflects the Kamsá value of community and shared presence. His kind demeanor and open approach to people from all over the world are as much a part of what he brings to ceremony as the yagé itself.

This is what the word lineage means in practice. Not a course. Not a certification. A family, a community, a living tradition carried forward by specific people in a specific place: people who are still there, still working, still accountable to their own elders and communities.

Crudo and Cooked: Colombia’s Unique Medicine Forms

The freshest ayahuasca yagé in the world is only available in Colombia. That is not a marketing claim. It is a geographical fact.

One of the most distinctive aspects of the Colombian yagé tradition is the availability of crudo medicine. Crudo is prepared without extended cooking. Vine harvested and processed the same day, the medicine taken fresh before fermentation begins. It is as close to the living plant as the medicine ever gets.

Crudo is considerably easier on the body than cooked medicine. The taste, while still unmistakably the medicine, does not carry the dense bitterness of a long-reduced brew. It is more forgiving on the digestive tract, and many experienced practitioners recommend it as the better starting point for those coming to ceremony for the first time, or for those with higher physical sensitivity to the medicine. At higher doses it can be every bit as powerful as cooked medicine. What it offers is a different quality of entry.

Crudo ferments quickly. It cannot be shipped, stored, or transported across territory. You drink it where it was made, within days of preparation. This is why it exists only in Colombia, and why no retreat operating in Florida, California, Costa Rica, or anywhere outside the Colombian Amazon can offer it. What those contexts offer is paste: medicine cooked down, dried, and reconstituted with water. The core compounds survive. Something of the original does not.

The tradition of careful preparation runs deep. Archaeological analysis of a 1,000-year-old shamanic bundle from Bolivia, specifically the Cueva del Chileno, detected both harmine and DMT as co-present compounds, the earliest direct evidence of an ayahuasca-like preparation being intentionally combined in a pre-Columbian ceremonial context (Miller et al., 2019). Sophistication in medicine preparation is not a modern development. It is the baseline.

MahaDevi is the only ayahuasca retreat that offers both cooked and crudo medicine to its participants. The choice between them is made in consultation with the taita, based on each person’s constitution, experience, and what the ceremony calls for.

Legal Status of Yagé in Colombia

Colombia has never prohibited yagé. That is not a legal technicality. It is a statement about what this country understands the medicine to be.

This section contains legal information for educational purposes only. Laws change and vary by jurisdiction. Nothing here constitutes legal advice.

There is no specific legislation either permitting or prohibiting yagé in Colombia. The Colombian government has never prohibited it and has provided considerable institutional support for its cultural significance and role in traditional indigenous practice. Colombia holds the highest global prevalence of ayahuasca consumption of any country: approximately 0.8% of the population, roughly 300,000 people, driven significantly by itinerant Taitas from Putumayo communities who have conducted yagé ceremonies in major Colombian cities since the 1970s (Suárez Álvarez & ICEERS, 2023).

Internationally, the 1971 UN Convention on Psychotropic Substances schedules DMT as an isolated compound. It does not schedule plants or plant-based preparations. The International Narcotics Control Board has clarified this formally: ayahuasca plants and preparations are not under international control under the Convention (UNODC, 1971; Sánchez Avilés & Rebollo, ICEERS, 2019). Colombia’s legal position is the most consistent with this international framework of any country in the world.

Why the Yagé Side Is Less Commercialized, For Now

What ayahuasca tourism has done to parts of Peru has not yet happened in Putumayo. That window will not stay open forever.

The global expansion of ayahuasca as a consumer product has been well documented, and not entirely positively. The globalization of ayahuasca through neo-shamanic tourism generates real concerns about indigenous dispossession, cultural appropriation, and the commodification of ritual, evidenced by patent disputes, healing centers run by non-indigenous practitioners, and the systematic undervaluing of indigenous knowledge (Tupper, 2009; Labate, Cavnar & Gearin, 2016). Western psychedelic practitioners now earn up to $10,500 per ceremony event while traditional indigenous practitioners earn $2–$150 for equivalent services in their communities (Celidwen et al., 2022).

Areas like Iquitos and the Sacred Valley in Peru have absorbed decades of this pressure. Mocoa and the Putumayo have not, at least not yet. The Colombian yagé world remains significantly less impacted by the negative dimensions of ayahuasca tourism: the commodified retreat circuits, the facilitators with workshop certificates rather than lineage, the pre-packaged spiritual journey sold online. The taitas who work in the Putumayo are largely working within their own communities, with their own accountability structures, in the territory where the medicine grows.

This is one of the most important reasons to consider engaging with the yagé tradition through its Colombian roots rather than through globally marketed retreats. Working directly with indigenous lineage holders in their ancestral territory is something only available here. It will not remain undiscovered indefinitely.

Yagé vs Ayahuasca: Side-by-Side

Same medicine. Different traditions. Worth knowing the differences before you choose.

FactorColombian YagéPeruvian AyahuascaBrazilian Daime / Hoasca
Names usedYagé, yajé, yajeAyahuasca, iowaska, ayawaskaDaime, hoasca, vegetal
Admixture plantDiplopterys cabrerana (chagropanga)Psychotria viridis (chacruna)Psychotria viridis
DMT concentration~2.4 mg/g (higher)~0.94 mg/g (lower)~0.94 mg/g
Healer titleTaita / payéCurandero / onanyaMestre / guia
Ceremony settingAround sacred fire, outdoors or open structureDark room, mats, near silenceStanding in formation, well-lit
Music roleCentral: guitar, song, communal music alongside icarosCentral: icaros as primary healing toolCentral: prescribed hymns (hinários), group singing
Tobacco useYes: mapacho, protection and cleansing throughoutYes: mapacho used by healerVaries by lineage
Fresh medicine (crudo)Yes: unique to ColombiaNoNo
Commercial saturationLow: less impacted by tourismHigh: major retreat industryStructured by religious organizations
Legal statusNot prohibited; culturally protectedNational cultural heritage since 2008Legal for religious use since 1987

Frequently Asked Questions

Ayahuasca vs yagé

  • Yes and no. Pharmacologically, they are the same medicine: Banisteriopsis caapi vine combined with a DMT-bearing admixture plant. But the word yagé (also spelled yaje or yajé) specifically belongs to the Colombian and Ecuadorian indigenous traditions: the Kamsá, Inga, Siona, and Cofán peoples of the Putumayo and Sibundoy Valley. The ceremony, the plants used, the healer’s role, and the ceremonial structure are all distinctly different from the Peruvian ayahuasca model most people encounter. Same brew, different traditions. Worth understanding the difference before you choose which path you are walking.
  • The etymology of yagé is not as settled as ayahuasca (vine of the soul / vine of the dead in Quechua). The word belongs to the Tukanoan language family and the traditions of the Colombian Amazon. It refers to the medicine, the vine, and sometimes the ceremony, depending on who is using it and where. It carries the weight of the specific place and people it comes from: the Putumayo, the Sibundoy Valley, the families who have held this tradition across generations.
  • In formal Spanish, the correct spelling uses the accent: yagé. Without a keyboard that supports accented characters, it is commonly written as yage or yajé. You may also encounter the French colonial spelling yajé. All refer to the same medicine. The Siona and Kamsá peoples also use yajé within their own traditions. Like ayahuasca, which appears as iowaska, ayawaska, ayahuascha, and ajalaska in different languages and phonetic systems, the spelling varies but the medicine does not.
  • There is no law prohibiting yagé in Colombia, and the Colombian government has provided cultural and institutional recognition for indigenous use. Colombia holds the highest per-capita ayahuasca consumption of any country in the world, and itinerant taitas have led ceremonies in major Colombian cities since the 1970s. The international legal position is that ayahuasca as a plant preparation is not scheduled under the 1971 UN Convention on Psychotropic Substances, which covers DMT as an isolated compound, not the brew (UNODC, 1971; Sánchez Avilés & Rebollo, ICEERS, 2019; Suárez Álvarez & ICEERS, 2023). Always consult a qualified attorney for guidance specific to your situation.
  • Chagropanga (Diplopterys cabrerana) is the DMT-bearing admixture plant used in Colombian and Ecuadorian yagé, in place of the Peruvian chacruna (Psychotria viridis). The difference is pharmacologically significant: chagropanga contains approximately 2.4 mg/g of DMT versus 0.94 mg/g in chacruna, meaning Colombian brews can carry meaningfully higher concentrations of the active compound (Chambers et al., 2020; Brito-da-Costa et al., 2020). Experienced practitioners describe the character of the experience as distinctly different as a result. It is one of the concrete reasons the yagé tradition is not simply a regional name variation on Peruvian ayahuasca.
  • In the Colombian taita tradition, the sacred fire is the structural center of the ceremony: not ambient atmosphere but the organizing principle around which the whole night moves. Taitas of the Upper Putumayo use sound (songs, whistles, tobacco smoke, music) as the primary tool for constructing the ceremonial space, and the fire is what holds that space together from opening to close (García Molina, 2014). The fire is protection, witness, and anchor. In ceremonies led by taitas like Taita Miguel Mavisoy, participants sit around it through the night in a way that creates a fundamentally different ceremonial posture from lying on mats in a dark room.
  • A plant medicine ceremony in Colombia, specifically a yagé or ayahuasca ceremony, typically involves drinking the brew with a trained taita in a structured ceremonial space, usually organized around a sacred fire. The ceremony combines ancestral indigenous elements (tobacco, copal, plant essences, the taita’s protective and healing work) with music, often guitar and local musicians, reflecting the Kamsá and Inga tradition of communal sound. Ceremonies last through the night, from roughly 8 or 9 pm to dawn. The preparation, the ceremony itself, and the integration afterward are understood as equally essential parts of the work.
  • Yagé and psilocybin mushrooms are both classic psychedelics that act primarily on serotonin 5-HT2A receptors, but they differ in pharmacology, duration, and cultural context. Yagé involves an MAOI mechanism from the Banisteriopsis caapi vine that creates serious drug interaction risks, particularly with SSRIs, SNRIs, and other serotonergic medications, risks that psilocybin mushrooms do not carry. Yagé ceremonies typically last four to six hours and require thorough medical screening. Psilocybin is generally shorter-acting and pharmacologically simpler. Both have demonstrated significant antidepressant effects in clinical research, though through somewhat different mechanisms (Egger et al., 2024).

Conclusion: Why the Name You Use Matters

Calling it yagé is not a stylistic choice. It is a way of acknowledging where it comes from.

Ayahuasca and yagé are the same pharmacological brew and genuinely different worlds. The Colombian yagé tradition, carried by the Kamsá, Inga, Siona, and Cofán peoples across the Putumayo and Sibundoy Valley, is distinct in the plants it uses, the character of its ceremonies, the role of fire and music and tobacco, and the depth of its lineages. The chagropanga admixture produces brews with higher DMT concentrations than the Peruvian standard. The crudo form of medicine, fresh and uncooked and available only in Colombia, is something no ceremony outside this territory can offer.

The people who carry this medicine have survived colonization, rubber extraction, armed conflict, and the quieter pressure of wellness tourism. They are still here. The tradition is not a relic. It is a living practice, held by specific families in specific territory, and it is currently less impacted by the commercialization that has changed parts of the Peruvian ayahuasca world, though that window will not stay open indefinitely.

If you want to understand what ayahuasca is at the pharmacological and historical level, that guide covers it in full depth. If you are considering an ayahuasca retreat in Colombia, the yagé tradition of the Putumayo is the most intact, most lineage-connected version of this medicine that exists in the world today.

The brew will meet you where you are. The question is whether you are approaching it with the respect the tradition deserves.

References

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Arsenault, C. / UMIYAC (2020). Indigenous Colombians Mount a Spiritual Defense of the Amazon. Mongabay.

Berlowitz, I., et al. (2022). Teacher plants: Indigenous Peruvian-Amazonian dietary practices. Journal of Ethnopharmacology. DOI: 10.1016/j.jep.2021.114910

Brito-da-Costa, A.M., et al. (2020). Toxicokinetics and Toxicodynamics of Ayahuasca Alkaloids. Pharmaceuticals (Basel), 13(11), 334. DOI: 10.3390/ph13110334

Celidwen, Y., et al. (2022). Ethical Principles of Traditional Indigenous Medicine. The Lancet Regional Health Americas. DOI: 10.1016/j.lana.2022.100410

Cepek, M.L. (2019). Valueless Value: The Question of Production in Cofán Shamanism. HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory. DOI: 10.1086/705430

Chambers, M.I., et al. (2020). Detection and Quantification of DMT in Ayahuasca Brews. ACS Omega, 5(44), 28547–28554. DOI: 10.1021/acsomega.0c03196

Egger, K., et al. (2024). Neurobiological research on N,N-dimethyltryptamine (DMT). Cellular and Molecular Life Sciences. DOI: 10.1007/s00018-024-05353-6

García Molina, A. (2014). The Sound Tactics of Upper Putumayo Shamans. NEIP. (Master’s thesis)

Gates, B. (1982). Banisteriopsis, Diplopterys (Malpighiaceae). Flora Neotropica Monograph 30. New York Botanical Garden.

Glass, A. (2022). Colombian Counterpoint: Transculturation in Sibundoy Valley Ethnohistory. University of Oregon Scholars’ Bank.

Jütte, M. (2018). Cofán-Curaca in Trouble: About the Controversy Between the Indigenous Cofán and Alberto Varela. NEIP.

Labate, B.C., Cavnar, C., & Gearin, A.K. (Eds.) (2016). The World Ayahuasca Diaspora: Reinventions and Controversies. Routledge.

Langdon, E.J. (2016). The Revitalization of Yajé Shamanism among the Siona. Anthropology of Consciousness, 27(2), 180–203. DOI: 10.1111/anoc.12058

Langdon, E.J. (2017). From rau to Sacred Plants: Transfigurations of Shamanic Agency among the Siona Indians of Colombia. Social Compass. DOI: 10.1177/0037768617713654

Langdon, E.J., Laffay, T., & Maniguaje-Yaiguaje, P. (2023). Resistencias, re-existencias y prácticas chamánicas. Mundo Amazónico, 14(1). DOI: 10.15446/ma.v14n1.104431

Miller, M.J., et al. (2019). Chemical evidence for the use of multiple psychotropic plants in a 1,000-year-old ritual bundle. PNAS, 116(23), 11207–11212. DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1902174116

O’Brien, S.A. (2018). A Grammatical Description of Kamsá, a Language Isolate of Colombia. University of Hawai’i at Mānoa dissertation.

Pontual, M., et al. (2022). The influence of ceremonial settings on mystical and challenging experiences occasioned by ayahuasca. Frontiers in Psychiatry. PMC9335152. DOI: 10.3389/fpsyt.2022.884223

Ramírez de Jara, M.C., & Pinzón Castaño, C.E. (1993). Sibundoy Shamanism and Popular Culture in Colombia. In Langdon & Baer (Eds.), Portals of Power. University of New Mexico Press.

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Maha Devi Ayahuasca | Ayahuasca vs Yagé Explained

About the Author

Yasha Shah is the founder of MahaDevi Ayahuasca, a retreat center in Colombia. He has been working with ayahuasca since 2017, with experience across hundreds of ceremonies as both a participant and retreat organizer. Trained within the Shipibo and Camsá traditions and holding psychedelic integration certifications from ICEERS and Onaya Science, his work bridges indigenous wisdom, harm-reduction principles, and practical integration for modern seekers. Yasha writes about ayahuasca, plant medicine, and psychedelics — covering integration, preparation, and harm reduction to help readers make informed and responsible decisions.

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